Statements of the Delegates at the Evian Conference
Statements of the Delegates at the Evian Conference
Source: S. Adler-Rudel, 'The Evian Conference on the Refugee Question', Leo Baeck Year Book, XIII, (London 1968), p. 235-260.
USA
Some millions of people, as this meeting convenes, are, actually or potentially, without a country. The number is increasing daily. This increase is taking place, moreover, at a time when there is serious unemployment in many countries, when there is a shrinkage of subsistence bases and when the population of the world is at a peak. Men and women of every race, creed and economic condition, of every profession and of every trade, are being uprooted from the homes where they have long been established and turned adrift without thought or care as to what will become of them or where they will go. A major forced migration is taking place, and the time has come when governments – I refer specifically to those governments which have had the problem of political refugees thrust upon them by the policies of some other governments – must act, and act promptly and effectively in a long-range program of comprehensive scale… We must admit frankly, indeed, that this problem of political refugees is so vast and so complex that we probably can do no more at the initial intergovernmental meeting than put in motion the machinery, and correlate it with existing machinery that will, in the long run, contribute to a practicable amelioration of the condition of the unfortunate human beings with whom we are concerned. While, for example, our ultimate objective should be to establish an organisation, which would concern itself with all refugees wherever governmental intolerance shall have created a refugee problem, we may find that we shall be obliged on this occasion to focus our immediate attention upon the most pressing problem of political refugees from Germany (including Austria). Accordingly, my Government in its invitation referred specifically to the problem of German (and Austrian) refugees and proposes that for the purposes of this initial intergovernmental meeting and without wishing to set a precedent for future meetings, persons coming within the scope of the Conference shall be: a) persons who have not already left Germany (including Austria) but who desire to emigrate by reasons of the treatment to which they are subjected on account of their political opinions, religious beliefs or racial origin, and b) persons as defined in a) who have already left Germany and are in the process of Migration. You will have noted that my Government's invitation to this meeting stated specifically that whatever action was recommended here should take place within the framework of the existing laws and practices of the participating Governments. The American Government prides itself upon the liberality of its existing laws and practices, both as regards the number of immigrants whom the United States receives each year for assimilation with its population and the treatment of those people when they have arrived. I might point out that the American Government has taken steps to consolidate both the German and the former Austrian quota, so that now a total of 27,370 immigrants may enter the United States on the German quota in one year…. The problem is no longer one of purely private concern. It is a problem for intergovernmental action. If the present currents of migration are permitted to continue to push anarchically upon the receiving states and if some Governments are to continue to toss large sections of their populations lightly upon a distressed and unprepared world, then there is catastrophic human suffering ahead which can only result in general unrest and in general international strain which will not be conductive to the permanent appeasement to which all peoples earnestly aspire.
Great Britain
His Majesty's Government are anxious to co-operate to the fullest extent possible with the United States Government and the other Governments represented at this meeting in the endeavour to find a practical means of relieving the difficulties which confront the unfortunate people who wish to emigrate and the countries which are asked to receive them. I have listened with great pleasure to the speech of the United States delegate, and I am in general agreement with him as to the nature of the task, which lies before us. For his Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom and for the British people, this problem is mainly a humanitarian one. It has been the traditional policy of successive British Governments to offer asylum to persons who, for political, racial or religious reasons, have had to leave their own countries. The United Kingdom has never yet had cause to regret this policy, and refugees have often enriched the life and contributed to the prosperity of the British people. But the United Kingdom is not a country of immigration. It is highly industrialised, fully populated and is still faced with the problem of unemployment. For economic and social reasons, the traditional policy of granting asylum can only be applied within narrow limits. But within these limits, the people of the United Kingdom are ready to play their part. It is the intention of His Majesty's Government to continue the practice which has been developed during the past five years in dealing with the various categories of refugees and, in consultation with voluntary organisations, to explore to what extent they can accelerate the process of assimilation of those elements among the present refugee population who can usefully be fitted into the social and economic life of the country. His Majesty's Government have been prepared to examine in a spirit of sympathy applications, not only from refugees who are admitted to the United Kingdom for education, training or other reasons, on the understanding that they will eventually emigrate, but also applications from other refugees in the United Kingdom who wish to establish themselves there without the fear that they will be required to leave the country. His Majesty's Government believes that one of the most useful contributions which countries of first refuge can make to the work of the present conference would be to signify their readiness to absorb, so far as they can, in their economic, industrial and social system the refugees from Germany and Austria who have already been admitted to their territories… His Majesty's Government is also carefully surveying the prospects of the admission of refugees to their colonies and overseas territories. The question is not a simple one. The economic and social factors, which operate in the United Kingdom are here further complicated by considerations of climate, of race and of political development. Many overseas territories are already overcrowded, others are wholly or partly unsuitable for European settlement, while in others again local political conditions hinder or prevent any considerable immigration. These factors impose strict limitations on the opportunities for offering asylum to European refugees…His Majesty's Government are in particular examining the possibility which may exist for settlement in certain of the East African territories. But any project, which may emerge is unlikely to involve the settlement of more that a limited number of selected families, at any rate in the early stages…. There is a second matter, which cannot be ignored in considering this problem of emigration. This meeting will endeavour to find an orderly solution of the difficulties before it , but its tasks will be immeasurably complicated and even rendered insoluble unless the country of origin is prepared to make its contribution, and unless emigrants which other countries may be asked to accept have some means of self support. No thickly populated country can be expected to accept persons who are deprived of their means of subsistence before they are able to enter it. Nor can the resources of private societies be expected to make good the losses which the emigrants have suffered. If countries of immigration are to do their best to facilitate the admission of emigrants, then they are entitled to expect that the country of origin, on its side, will equally assist in creating conditions in which the emigrants are able to start life in other countries with some prospect of success.
France
France has hitherto solved the problem on her own territory, at her own risk and expense, through the medium of the benevolent and unselfish activities of private agencies in co-operation with the administrative resources of the French State and the organisations set up by the League of Nations. Many millions of francs have thus been spent by French well-wishers on hundreds of thousands of refugees. Simultaneously France has constantly endeavoured to co-operate closely in defining and giving effect to a new social status for these unhappy individuals who have been so well called the 'Stateless' victims of present-day national revolutions. France already takes part in the work of the Nansen Office, of the Office of the High Commissioner for German Refugees, and of the League of Nations Committee. And it has been unanimously admitted that that part is a most active one. Thus France continues to be true to the long-standing tradition of universal hospitality which has characterised her throughout all her history. She will maintain this tradition so far as the limits laid down by her geographical position, her population and her resources permit. Though she has herself reached, if not already passed, the extreme point of saturation as regards admission of refugees, France understand the new effort proposed by President Roosevelt. Not only will she not refuse to help in realising this fresh effort or to take this further step forward, but she will give maturely considered assistance to the Intergovernmental Committee at Evian. Like America, France considers the refugee problem to be an international political problem, which can only be finally solved by the joint and collective action of the Governments of the world. In regard more particularly to German and Austrian refugees, France is prepared to discuss how their emigration can best be controlled and their settlement effected. There are various territorial, shipping, financial, monetary and social measures which will first have to be closely and carefully considered in executive sub-committees. That, it seems to me, should be the object of our meeting here….
The Dominican Republic
The Dominican Government, which for many years past has been encouraging and promoting the development of agriculture by appropriate measures and which gives ample immigration facilities to agriculturists who wish to settle in the country as colonists, would be prepared to make its contribution by granting especially advantageous concessions to Austrian and German exiles, agriculturists with an unimpeachable record who satisfy the conditions laid down by the Dominican legislation on immigration. For colonisation purposes my Government has at its disposal large areas of fertile, well-irrigated land, excellent roads and a police force which preserves absolute order and guarantees the peace of the country. The Department of Agriculture could give colonists, in addition to land, seed and the technical advice, which they need. The Government which I have the honour to represent here would also be prepared to grant special conditions to professional men who, as recognised scientists, would be able through their teaching to render valuable service to their Dominican colleagues.
Colombia
The problem of political refugees offers two aspects, which I should like to outline briefly. First of all, there is the question of principle, which can only be studied and settled be collective effort; and, secondly, there is the question of fact, which each country must settle by its own means and in the light of its special circumstances. We cannot, as would seem to be suggested in certain quarters, expect to consider the problem exclusively as an empirical problem and ignore the questions of principle. Which may become its most important aspect, for it is they, which determine the matter for the future and for all times. This is, very briefly stated, the question of principle: Can a state, without upsetting the basis of our civilisation, and, indeed, of all civilisation, arbitrarily withdraw nationality from a whole class of its citizens, thereby making them stateless persons whom no country is compelled to receive on its territory? Can a state, acting in this way, flood other countries with the citizens of whom it wishes to get rid, and can its thrust upon others the consequences of an evil internal policy? The whole tragedy of these thousands of unfortunates who are bandied about from country to country, at the caprice of the alien police and exposed to the boorishness of frontier officials, the whole tragedy lies in the fact that this preliminary question was not settled in time. It would be useless for us today to find homes for the present political refugees and to hear the grievances – well grounded, as I freely admit they are - of those who have come to voice their complaints before this modern Wailing Wall which the Evian Conference has now become. So long as the central problem is not decided, we shall be doing merely ephemeral work, work that will last but a day and which will have to be begun over again tomorrow…The worst thing is that the bad example of the Old World may be copied in other countries, and the world will then become uninhabitable…
